| Volume 10 Number 4 |
Fall 2001 |
Constitutional Watch
A country-by-country update on constitutional
politics in Eastern Europe and the ex-USSR
Czech Republic - The political
landscape of the Czech Republic has not changed dramatically over the
last few months, in the lead-up to next year's elections. Given widespread
popular disenchantment with the two primary parties-the Czech Social
Democratic Party (CSDP) and the Civic Democratic Party (CDP), which
have shared power uneasily since 1998 under an opposition agreement
despite their marked ideological differences-the focus is now on the
Four Coalition. In late October, one of the two major coalition members,
the Freedom Union (FU), signed a merger agreement with one of the coalition's
two minor parties, the Democratic Union, in order to avoid the 20 percent
threshold requirement for coalitions of four parties. Now, as a coalition
of three parties, it will need only 15 percent of the vote to enter
parliament.
Competing versions of an electoral-reform bill were put forward over
the last few months, in the cabinet, the Senate, and the Chamber of
Deputies (Poslanecka Snemovna). The government and Senate bills would
establish 14 electoral districts nationally, with proportional representation
established according to the d'Hondt system. The controversial component
of these proposals, however, has to do with the minimal electoral threshold
required for parliamentary representation. There are three competing
proposals for calculating this threshold: the cabinet proposal calls
for a 5 percent minimum per party, including coalition members, so that
a four-party coalition would require 20 percent; the proposal that passed
the Senate, on August 9, calls for a 5 percent threshold for single
parties, 7 percent for two-party coalitions, 9 percent for three-party
formations, and 11 percent for alliances of four or more parties; and
the proposal submitted in the Chamber of Deputies by the Four Coalition
would establish the same 5 percent threshold for parties and coalitions
of any size. The government's proposal would obviously disadvantage
the Four Coalition and might precipitate further changes in the alliance's
structure if enacted. A new electoral law must be in place by February
in order for parliamentary elections to be held on schedule next summer.
In June, Interior Minister Stanislav Gross (CSDP) discovered that 117
civil servants, the majority of whom were employed in the Ministry of
Defense, held false lustration certificates issued in 1991-92. All civil
servants were to have been screened between 1991 and 1993, to clear
them of any involvement with the communist secret police or of having
held senior positions in the Communist Party. Senate Deputy Chairman
Jan Ruml, who was a deputy interior minister when the certificates were
issued, has been called to account for the false certificates. He belatedly
admitted to having known about the false certificates at the time but
disavowed any responsibility for their issuance. This scandal served
to highlight the harsh differences of opinion among politicians on the
issue of lustration, and it sparked intense political debate about continuation
of the policy. Some see lustration as an important process for preserving
national memory and preventing members of the old regime from regaining
influence; opponents object that it may have been appropriate to an
earlier moment in the transition process but now only serves to open
old wounds.
President Vaclav Havel, who has been critical of the lustration act
since he signed it into law in 1991, said the country now needed "other
instruments to cope with its totalitarian past." He added that
one of the problems with the process is that many people participated
in the activities of the secret police against their will but would
be considered culpable just the same. Some politicians, however, have
seized the opportunity to push for the complete declassification of
all secret police files. On August 9, a Senate bill was passed to extend
access to the files to all citizens over 18. Under the current law,
passed in 1996, only individuals on whom files were kept have access
to their own personal files. The government has rejected the Senate
bill on the grounds that it infringes on the rights to privacy afforded
by the Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms. Indeed, wider accessibility
to the files would conflict with the spirit of the lustration law itself,
which sought to protect the identity of those who underwent the lustration
process. A group of deputies suggested an alternative, based on the
German model of the Gauck Commission, that could oversee the vetting
process without compromising the privacy of individuals.
The long-running legal battle between US investor Ronald Lauder and
Czech media magnate Vladimir Zelezny over TV Nova seemed to come closer
to resolution in September, as two arbitration rulings, albeit contradictory,
were handed down. In the first, a London arbitration court unanimously
rejected claims by Lauder against the Czech government for failing to
protect his investment. However, one week later, an international-commerce
arbitration court in Stockholm ruled that the Czech government had failed
to safeguard the interests of Lauder's company, Central European Media
Enterprises (CME), under the terms of a Dutch-Czech investment treaty.
Lauder's company was incorporated in the Netherlands. The court ordered
that Lauder be compensated fair market value for his share of TV Nova,
estimated at $500 million. According to Prime Minister Milos Zeman,
the Czech government is considering an appeal, though it is unclear
whether such recourse is available under international law. Zelezny
was handed a personal legal setback by a Prague city court, on October
24, when it upheld a lower court ruling that Zelezny's property could
be seized to pay off a 27 million crown debt owed to CME.
In other media news, on June 26, the Chamber of Deputies passed a new
media law, overriding a presidential veto, that would automatically
extend the licenses of private television and radio broadcasters for
12 and 8 years respectively. Havel had vetoed the bill, arguing that
it would hinder competition by making it difficult for a new broadcaster
to enter the market.
The struggle over the fate of the Temelin nuclear power plant has persisted
over the last few months, although the official process of assessing
its environmental risk may be coming to a close. The plant was brought
back on-line on August 12, after having been shut down, on May 3, due
to leakage and turbine vibrations. Subsequently, the plant was forced
to shut down repeatedly throughout August and September due to malfunctions.
Opposition to the plant has been vigorous and widespread, coming from
both domestic sources and from the governments and citizens of neighboring
states. Austrian activists have staged repeated protests against the
plant, including blockades at border crossings. Separate complaints
were filed against Temelin in June with the Constitutional Court of
the Czech Republic by a group of Czechs residing near the plant and
by the local governments of neighboring Austrian provinces. Under the
agreement reached at Melk, Austria, in December 2000, neighboring countries
have input into the process of assessing the environmental risks of
Temelin. Germany and Austria have both pressed their claim against the
plant in the European Parliament and the EC throughout the assessment
process, at various times threatening to link the issue to the energy
negotiations for EU accession.
On July 9, the European Parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee approved
a draft resolution calling for consideration of Temelin's complete closure.
The resolution included compensation to the Czech government for the
costs of closure. However, the EU commissioner for enlargement, Guenter
Verheugen, asserted that the EU had no authority over Temelin. He has
relied on the framework agreed to at Melk and has called for an emphasis
on maximizing safety standards. On October 19, Verheugen sent a letter
to the Czech prime minister and the Austrian chancellor calling for
the official closure of the Melk process by the end of November. The
letter stated that "all safety concerns have been eliminated."
Temelin has caused other problems for the Czech Republic, interfering
with its plans to privatize the state-owned CEZ utility, which owns
and operates the plant. On August 13, Europe's second largest power
company, E.On of Germany, declined to bid on CEZ as long as Temelin
was included in the deal. E.On had earlier bowed to public pressure
in Germany, mounted against Temelin, and stopped purchasing power from
CEZ.
The issue of Roma rights came to the fore again in connection with a
recent controversy involving the establishment of British immigration
controls at the Prague airport designed to screen people traveling to
Britain. The British government instituted this policy, on July 18,
in response to what it called the "systematic abuse of our immigration
and asylum system by some Czech citizens." However, the screening
process immediately came under attack from Roma-rights groups, charging
that it constituted blatant racial discrimination. The controversy came
to a head, on July 23, when a Romany journalist, Richard Samko, was
denied permission to fly to London while an ethnic Czech journalist
who gave the same answers on the screening form was allowed through.
The journalists devised this plan to test the screening process for
racial bias.
The British policy also came under criticism from Czech opposition parties,
as a compromise of national sovereignty. The British government discontinued
the screening process on August 9, only to reinstate it on August 27,
despite the growing opposition within the Czech government. The Czech
government was forced to allow the policy in the end, faced with the
threatened alternative of visa requirements for all Czech citizens traveling
to the UK. According to the Czech government, all of the 6,000 asylum
applicants from the Czech Republic to Britain in the last five years
have been Roma. These applications were based on claims of racial discrimination
and violence, the existence of which is substantiated by recent reports
from Amnesty International and the Open Society Institute. However,
both the Czech and British governments suspect that the majority of
Roma asylum claims are bogus, driven by economic motives rather than
racism.
In late October, after months of discussions, the Czech Republic closed
the chapter, in its negotiations regarding the EU acquis communautaire,
devoted to the free movement of labor, bringing the number of chapters
provisionally closed to 21. However, the Czech Republic was forced to
capitulate to EU demands for a transition period of up to seven years
during which labor mobility would be restricted. When Hungary closed
this chapter in June, accepting the transition period, Czech officials
had complained that this gave them less room to maneuver. For months,
they insisted that Czechs would never accept second-class status in
the EU. In the end, the only concession they won was the right to impose
a reciprocal ban on labor mobility from EU countries into the Czech
Republic. However, some EU countries, including Spain and the Netherlands,
have already declared unilaterally that they will not impose the transition
period.
In other progress toward EU membership, the Czech Senate narrowly approved
a bill, on June 28, to put EU accession to a referendum. The bill must
now be approved by a three-fifths majority of the Chamber of Deputies.
On October 18, the Senate approved a constitutional amendment that would
pave the way for EU membership by recognizing international agreements
as Czech law, superseding domestic law in cases of inconsistency.
In the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks in New York City,
Czech President Vaclav Havel pledged that "we are ready to assist
[the American people] in any way within our power." Shortly after
Havel's speech, the Czech government informed the American intelligence
community that one alleged hijacker, Mohammed Atta, met with an Iraqi
intelligence agent, Ahmad Chalil Ibrahim Samir al-Ani, in Prague in
April 2001. (This information was made public, on October 26, by Interior
Minister Gross.) At the time, Atta was living in Germany and apparently
traveled to Prague as a tourist. Czech intelligence noted the meeting
because al-Ani was under surveillance for espionage; he was expelled
later that month under suspicion of planning an attack on the Radio
Free Europe headquarters in Prague. While the Czech government has not
indicated publicly the purpose of the meeting between Atta and al-Ani,
this announcement fueled speculation that Iraq was involved in the September
11 attacks or in other acts of terrorism, including the outbreak of
anthrax poisoning in the United States, allegations which Iraq has denied.
A Quarterly Published by New York University Law School
and Central European University
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